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Last Updated: July 28, 2026

The 21st Century Antitrust and Competition Act

Earned vs. Extractive Monopoly: The Governing Distinction

Before any enforcement standard applies, this Act draws a bright line that conventional antitrust often blurs. Not all market dominance is the same, and treating it as if it were would kill the very innovation a competitive economy depends on.

The standards below are aimed at the second category, not the first. Every enforcement trigger — exclusionary conduct, self-preferencing, roll-ups, non-competes — targets the conduct by which dominance is defended against competition, not the fact of dominance itself. We are not punishing success; we are removing the mechanisms by which yesterday’s success forecloses tomorrow’s. Where this Act sets share-based presumptions, the burden is structured around demonstrated exclusionary behavior, preserving room for dominance that remains genuinely contestable. Killing the golden goose — the incentive to take the great risk — is itself a policy failure this framework is designed to avoid.

Modernized Merger Standards

Restore meaningful structural review of mergers and acquisitions in concentrated industries.

Structural Breakup Authority

Reinvigorate Sherman Act § 2 enforcement and clarify statutory remedies for monopolization.

Strengthened Enforcement Capacity

Funding and authority alone do not produce enforcement — institutional capacity must be rebuilt.

Digital Platform Regulation

Establish a sector-specific regulator for Systemically Important Digital Platforms (SIDPs), analogous to financial regulation of systemically important banks.

Targeted Sector Remediation

Apply structural review to industries where consolidation has already produced documented consumer harm.

Constitutional Authority

Article I, Section 8 (Commerce Clause — interstate commerce regulation, long-settled basis for antitrust); Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890; Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914; Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914; Robinson-Patman Act; Hart-Scott-Rodino Antitrust Improvements Act of 1976. Antitrust law has the strongest constitutional foundation of any major federal regulatory regime — even the most conservative Supreme Court interpretations affirm Congressional authority to prevent restraints on interstate trade.

Rationale

Concentrated market power is not a left-right issue — it is a “Working vs. Broken” issue. When four firms control beef, three control the seed market, and a handful of digital platforms gate access to commerce, communication, and information, the competitive feedback loops that make a market economy productive stop functioning. Small businesses cannot enter. Innovation slows. Prices rise. Workers lose bargaining power. Honest companies competing on quality lose to vertically-integrated rivals who can cross-subsidize predatory pricing. This Act restores the original American bargain: anyone can start a business, anyone can compete, and no firm grows so large that it can rewrite the rules in its favor. We are not punishing success — we are restoring the conditions that made success possible.

Implementation Timeline

Fiscal Impact

Total federal cost: $2.4B annually at full strength (DOJ Antitrust: $1.8B; FTC Bureau of Competition: $1.8B combined; Digital Platforms Bureau: $400M; State AG grants: $200M; minus existing $1.8B baseline). Offset by: (a) filing fee revenue from pre-merger notifications ($300-500M annually); (b) civil penalty recoveries (historical average $1-2B annually under current understaffed enforcement; expected $4-8B at full capacity); (c) reduced consumer costs from competitive markets (estimated $200-400B annually in healthcare alone — see Council of Economic Advisers concentration analyses). Net fiscal benefit: strongly positive. Net economic benefit to households: $1,000-3,000 per year in lower prices and higher wages.

Political Considerations

This Act will draw the most concentrated lobbying opposition of any provision in the mandate — the firms most affected have the deepest resources to deploy. Frame as: pro-small-business, pro-worker, pro-innovation, anti-monopoly. The political coalition is broader than it appears: small business associations, independent farmers and ranchers, app developers locked out of platform marketplaces, independent retailers, regional banks, and consumers paying inflated prices. Polling shows 70-80% support for breaking up large tech platforms across party lines. Counter the “innovation will suffer” argument with the historical record: the AT&T breakup (1984) launched the modern telecommunications and internet industries; the IBM consent decree (1956) enabled the software industry. Structural relief is how markets renew themselves.

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This page is part of Project 2029: A Mandate for Economic and Political Justice